Ombudsman should have power to say ‘no’ to investigations - 28th March 2018 Heraldsun
Theo Theophanous: Ombudsman
should have power to say ‘no’ to investigations
Theo Theophanous, Herald Sun
March 27, 2018 11:39pm
Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews speaks to the media following the release of Victorian Ombudsman Deborah Green's report. Picture: AAP/Alex Murray
THE 21 Labor MPs named by Victorian Ombudsman, Deborah Glass in her
recent report are not cheats.
Misguided? Maybe. Too eager to help get their party elected? Almost
certainly. Or as the Ombudsman said, they believed that what they were doing
was “legitimate and that they were contributing to an approved pooling
arrangement”.
I don’t think they are cheats any more than I think that Matthew Guy is a friend of the mafia because he found himself at a lobster dinner with an alleged crime figure.
It would be a great shame if we went into an election
that was nothing more than a slanging match with one Party calling the other
cheats and the other Party referring to the Opposition as friends of the mafia.
No. There are too many important issues around health, education, the economy, transport, community safety, energy security and household and business costs. These are the real issues that concern Victorians.
No. There are too many important issues around health, education, the economy, transport, community safety, energy security and household and business costs. These are the real issues that concern Victorians.
The money used to pay electoral staff has been
repaid and the electorate will take into account what, if any, weight to put on
the issue at the next election.
The Ombudsman’s report vindicated the pursuit of
the story by the Herald Sun and it now looks like the Liberal
Party and the Greens will try to benefit from the Herald Sun and
Ombudsman investigations by spending more public resources on new inquiries for
a political advantage. That is folly.
In the first term of the Bracks government, I
participated in several Upper House inquiries the Liberals established using
their numbers, to attack the government.
The public saw they were not independent inquiries
but witch hunts and returned Labor with an increased majority.
Sadly, what is being missed are the crucial matters
of law and public accountability that this case has unearthed. The Ombudsman
Act states that either House of Parliament, or even a parliamentary committee,
may refer “any matter” to the Ombudsman and once referred she must investigate
and report.
“Any matter” is very broad and subject to abuse by
political parties wanting to attack their opponents. The Ombudsman wanted to
test whether the Upper House could refer “any matter” to her. Importantly she
wanted to know whether she was required to inquire under the Act even if the
matter fell outside of her normal remit. She referred the question to the
Supreme Court.
At stake was whether or not either House of
Parliament or even a parliamentary committee of five members could by majority
motion force her to inquire into any matter they wanted. If the answer was yes,
she would be required to use all powers available to her to investigate no
matter how politically partisan the request might be.
Victorian Ombudsman Deborah Glass should have the
power to refuse investigations. Picture: Alex Coppel
In this case the Greens and the Liberal Party used
their numbers in the Upper House to instruct the Ombudsman to inquire into the
use of Labor electorate staff. They voted down a motion from Gavin Jennings to
have the Ombudsman also inquire into Liberal and Greens use of their staff.
They then instructed the Upper House President to spend
public money to employ legal Council to join in the case on the side of the Parliament
having such power to refer “any matter” and force the Ombudsman to enquire.
Surely the Government cannot be held responsible for money (about $460,000) authorized to be spent by the Liberals and the Greens seeking a political outcome that favored them. They alone are responsible for these costs.
Surely the Government cannot be held responsible for money (about $460,000) authorized to be spent by the Liberals and the Greens seeking a political outcome that favored them. They alone are responsible for these costs.
The Supreme Court and later Court of Appeal and
High Courts held that as the law stands “any matter” meant “any matter”.
Therefore any House of Parliament could refer
anything to the Ombudsman and under the Act she must inquire into it.
This level of mandated referral from Parliament does
not even apply to IBAC which has discretion over what it enquires into and is
constrained by its own legislated parameters. When Matthew Guy referred himself
to IBAC over the lobster dinner affair he would have known that IBAC could say
no and so they did.
We now have a situation where referrals could occur
in relation to such things as the Liberal Party’s relationship to the mafia for
fund raising, Liberal and Labor branch stacking or the Greens’ bullying claims
in Batman. Once referred they must be
investigated by the Ombudsman.
The dangers of this were evident, which is why the
Department of Premier and Cabinet sought to appeal against the Supreme Court
decision and instructed the Attorney General
Martin Pakula to act on behalf of the Government..
This is an important part of the separation of powers
in our democracy. It is designed to ensure that a Majority of Members in one
House could not target opponents who spoke up against them in another House. The
Court rulings in this case now mean that the Upper and Lower Houses can in
effect initiate enquires into activities of each other’s Members by simply referring
them to the Ombudsman.
It was not only concerns about politicising the
Ombudsman’s office that led to the appeals. The court ruling also impinged on
another convention that goes back hundreds of years which precludes one house of Parliament from
inquiring into activities of members of the other house.
This is an important part of the separation of powers
in our democracy. It is designed to ensure a majority
of members in one house could not target opponents who spoke against them in
another. But now the upper and lower houses can in effect initiate inquires
into each other’s members by simply referring them to the Ombudsman.
The government has been unfairly attacked for
seeking legal clarification of these principals. The relatively small amount of $139,000 (not $1 million) that was
spent in external legal costs to settle the issues was far less than what the
Greens and the Liberals authorized to try to get around long standing
conventions for their own political benefit.
The point of law has now been clarified but I am
not sure it is for the better. It has opened up a hornet’s nest whereby any
party in control of one house of parliament, or even a parliamentary committee,
can use the Ombudsman as a political weapon.
Despite the politicisation of the Ombudsman’s
office, I don’t think any political party will want to legislate to limit the
power of parliament to make referrals to her on “any matter”.
But if we want to avoid the Ombudsman’s office
being used for blatant political purposes, we need to give her one more power.
The power to use her discretion and say no.
Theo Theophanous is a commentator and former
government minister.
Blog with Theo at www.theotheophanous.org
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